Number 17, 4th Quarter 2002
Special Edition: National Policy Conference
- Strategy and Tactics and Balance of Forces
- Social Transformation
- Economic Transformation
- Targeted groups
- Peace and Stability
- Infrastructure development
- Transforming the state and governance
- Communications
- International relations
The National Policy Conference, held from 27 - 30 September 2002 at Ekuruhleni, was a major stepping stone towards the ANC 51st National Conference to be held in Stellenbosch in December 2002.
The process leading up to the National Policy Conference was characterized by widespread participation by ANC members and structures, reviewing policy and implementation, and making proposals about how as a movement we should speed up change in the next five years.
The National Policy Conference itself, attended by 688 delegates from ANC branches, regions and provinces, the Leagues, NEC, MKMVA; our Alliance partners, the SACP, COSATU and SANCO, progressive NGOs and other civil society formations, was characterized by robust debate and a diversity of views. However, the overarching pre-occupation of all delegates was how we should move faster to address the twin problems of poverty and unemployment. This focus is reflected in the draft resolutions.
The draft resolutions are being distributed in this edition of Umrabulo to ANC branches, Alliance structures, civil society and the general public for further comment and discussions, before being tabled at the 51st National Conference for discussion and adoption.
This is therefore an open invitation to all Umrabulo readers to contribute. As Deputy President Zuma said in his closing statement to the Conference: "To engage in this ANC policy-making process is to take part in determining the future of South Africa. "
Statement of ANC President, Thabo Mbeki, at the Opening of the National Policy Conference, 27 September 2002
We meet at this Policy Conference, during the historic year of the 90th Anniversary of our organisation, the Year of the Volunteer, to prepare for our 51st National Congress. One of our tasks is critically to review our policies, to facilitate the work of the National Congress, the only body that has the power to alter our policies. The decisions of this Conference will therefore serve as recommendations to the National Congress. I trust that the processes preparatory to this Conference, including the branch, regional, provincial, League and other discussions, have given all the delegates the possibility to engage the matters on our agenda in an informed manner.
We should also engage these issues with a clear awareness of the historic mission of our movement and its practice during the nine decades of its existence.
I am certain that all of us are sensitive to the reality that repetition of slogans has nothing to do with the formulation of policy. I say this because there are some among us who are easily seduced by revolutionary sounding phrases that are both dangerous and have no meaning. Our task, to lead the national democratic revolution, demands that we should be able rationally to defend all positions that we adopt and propagate.
I am equally certain that all of us understand very well that our policies must respond to objective reality and not perceptions of reality. This is particularly important in a situation in which many of our opponents regularly resort to the falsification of reality as part of their armoury in the continuing political and ideological struggle. These falsifications are communicated to the public, and ourselves, as objective reality. It is also necessary because for us to succeed, we have to respect the truth and not be informed in our actions either by delusions or falsehoods.
Similarly, I know that we understand this matter clearly, that we have to carry out the process of the formulation of policy within the context of the agreed fundamental positions of the movement as reflected, for instance, in the 1991/92 document "Ready to Govern", the Reconstruction and Development Programme, the RDP, and our Strategy and Tactics adopted at the 50th National Congress.
Inevitably, this National Conference, like all other engagements in which our members and structures get organisationally involved, must serve both as a political school and yet another historical moment for the consolidation of the movement that fights for the victory of the national democratic revolution.
Accordingly, as we reflect on the critically important question of policy, we cannot avoid the question - what is the historic mission of the African National Congress! Neither can we avoid the second and attendant question - what are the tasks of the African National Congress at this stage of the national democratic revolution!
These questions are not new. I would also hazard the guess that the answers we will provide will not be new either. Nevertheless, I am convinced that, as we have advanced our struggle, they have assumed greater significance than in the past. Similarly, therefore, the answers to these questions have, themselves, assumed greater significance than in the past.
We know the answers to these questions. They centre on the reality of our continuing obligation to advance the national democratic revolution, to achieve the goal of true national liberation. Similarly, the obligations and responsibilities that fall on the shoulders of the motive forces of this struggle have not changed. Neither have the objective conditions that define the relations among these forces, and their organisational formations, changed. What has definitely changed is that we have radically reduced the capacity of the opponents of the national democratic revolution to conduct a campaign of terror against the revolution. A necessary consequence of this, perhaps, is that a false perception of reality has taken hold of some among us. Thus, these have convinced themselves that the road to the victory of the democratic revolution is as smooth and comfortable as the N1 Highway from Johannesburg to Pretoria, without traffic jams and road works, an easy walk to freedom.
Our country's broad movement for national liberation has been in power for just over eight years. During this period, ever-increasing numbers of our people have expressed confidence in our movement as the only force capable of leading them as they continue the struggle for the realisation of their aspirations.
I have no doubt that eighteen months from now, during the 2004 General Elections, once more the masses of our people will speak out in favour of their tried and tested organisation, the African National Congress. During the eight years that we have been in power, consistent with what our movement has stood and fought for, for nine decades, we have ensured that our country is not consumed by a racial conflagration, or afflicted with race riots.
We have ensured that we continuously entrench the process of national reconciliation, reduce racial and ethnic antagonisms and build a sense of common nationhood. During the same period, we have seen ethnic and racial conflicts erupting in other parts of the world, including the countries of the North.
During this period, we have worked to consolidate our country's democratic institutions and processes. There is not even one legislature or executive body anywhere in the country, from the local to the national, whose legitimacy can be questioned. Within a very short period time we have succeeded to eliminate violence as a material factor in our political conduct. We have created the conditions that de-legitimise accession to political power through force, electoral fraud, and the misuse of state power.
For eight years, we have sought to confront the challenges of poverty and underdevelopment that constitute the legacy we inherited from our long history of colonialism and apartheid. In this regard, our actions have been informed by the pledge we made to the people, by the goal that our movement has pursued from its birth, the objective of securing a better life for all.
The Policy Conference will have the possibility to engage in a detailed assessment of the progress we have made in virtually all areas of human endeavour. Our comparison of that progress with the scale of the problems we have to address, will tell us that we still have a lot to do.
It will say to us that we have just begun what will, of necessity, be a protracted struggle both for the fundamental social transformation of our society and meeting the goal of a better life for all.
Behind these words, lies the reality of millions of poor people. Many of these have no jobs, proper housing, adequate nutrition and health care. Many of these have no access to land, clean water and electricity. Among them are children without classrooms and good education. Among them are women who continue to be victims of sexist exploitation and oppression.
Among them are people with disabilities who are treated as virtual social outcasts. Many in our society have been targets of criminal violence and are therefore justified in their demand that more needs to be done to address the important issues of safety and security.
Despite all this, I am also certain that, in all fields, we will reach the conclusion, based on objective reality, that our country has moved away from the absolute disaster and hopeless misery we inherited in 1994. South Africa 2002 is a much better place than South Africa 1994. South Africa 2007, the 95th anniversary of our movement, will be a much better place than South Africa 2002.
The advances we have made were reported recently by the South African Advertising Research Foundation, which can never be accused of being a mouthpiece of our movement.
As put by the September 6, 2002 issue of the "Southern Africa Report": "Research by an advertising foundation has been found to counter accusations that life in South Africa has changed little since the African National Congress introduced the country's first democratic government in 1994. "Political opponents have frequently levelled charges against the ANC government that it has failed to deliver on promises made before the 1994 election.
"But the research by the SA Advertising Research Foundation (SAARF), which is regarded as an impartial source, indicates that there has been considerable change in social conditions in SA in the past eight years. Indeed, assessment of data compiled over the past eight years by SAARF has produced surprising findings.
"The conclusion it draws is that since the ANC government came to power in 1994, the quality of life has been looking up for a large number of South Africans."
With regard to the rest of the world, including our mother continent of Africa, we can state this without any fear of contradiction, that in less than one decade, we have transformed our country from being an international pariah, a negative force in favour of racism globally, reaction, destabilisation, aggression and war, to an important international player, for democracy, social progress, national independence and equality, and peace.
We occupy an honoured place among the peoples of Africa who are joined in struggle to achieve the long-outstanding dream of African unity, the African Renaissance and the full assertion of the dignity of the African people after many centuries of oppression, exploitation and suffering from racist abuse, superiority and contempt.
This we can also say, that since we have taken our place in the councils of the world as a democratic country, we have worked to strengthen the positions of the countries of the South as a whole, to improve our collective capacity to defend and advance our interests in a rapidly globalising world, with positive results that are recognised throughout the world.
The progress we have made with regard to our economy has made it possible for us to be confident that we can stand up to the challenges posed by the global economy, without any fear that we would collapse in the face of these challenges. Instead, we have transformed an economy that owed its vibrancy to apartheid incentives, protection, and super-exploitation to one that has the competitive strength and initiative to take its place within the global market.
This was demonstrated in practice both during and in the aftermath of the 1997-98 East Asian financial and economic crises and the post-September 11, 2001 global economic slowdown.
Obviously, this is not to suggest that we are immune from negative developments in the world economy or adverse consequences emanating from the process of globalisation.
Today all South Africans, both black and white, can travel anywhere in the world with pride. There is no need any longer for any of our people to deny their nationality because of the indefensible shame of apartheid.
All humanity genuinely feels that you, the South Africans gathered here at this Policy Conference, the South Africans working here at the Esselen Park Conference Centre and elsewhere in our country, the masses that constitute our people, are engaged in a noble and humane process of reconstruction and development that bodes well for all human beings everywhere.
With regard to all the achievements I have spoken of, I have absolutely no hesitation in saying that your organisation, the African National Congress, stands at the centre of all these advances. Without a movement such as ours, South Africa would not be what it is today.
Of this we must all be proud. This is a record we must defend against our detractors. Some among these neither understand nor appreciate the role only the ANC could play, simultaneously to address both the aspirations of the majority and the fears of the minority. Our achievements constitute the basis on which we must advance towards the realisation of the objective of a better life for all.
None of the gains we have spoken of could have been made without the necessary policies. At the same time, none of these achievements could have been made if our policies were wrong. Similarly, we would not be able to speak of a changing South Africa, changing in favour of the masses of our people, if steps had not been taken to implement the policies specifically designed to take us in this direction.
Needless to say, the policies I speak of are policies that were elaborated, adopted and implemented by the movement that meets here today, the African National Congress, acting together with its allies.
We are meeting here today to review these policies. As we have already indicated, we cannot avoid the questions:
are these policies consistent with the historic mission of the ANC; and, are they fully representative of the tasks of our movement during this stage of the national democratic revolution!
We have also said that the answers to these questions may be more urgent today than they have been before.
One reason for this is that, probably, we now have sufficient experience of government to make an assessment as to the correctness or otherwise of our chosen path of reconstruction, development and social transformation. The second reason is that we have to wage a sustained ideological and political struggle against our opponents, in defence of our movement, our struggle and revolution.
In that struggle, we have to confront our rightwing opponents. The platform constructed by this rightwing consists of various elements. One of these consists of the neo-liberal socio-economic policies that are regularly spoken of.
In this regard, the rightwing vigorously advances the liberal concept - less government, more freedom. We addressed the philosophical bases and the practical meaning of this thesis when we spoke in the National Assembly on the ideology of the Democratic Party, on the 30th of June 1999. On that occasion we said:
"The intellectual antecedents of the positions the DP espouses are to be found in the theories propounded in England by Jeremy Bentham at the end of the 18th and the beginning of the 19th centuries. These theories reflected, and to some extent, presaged the contention between two contending tendencies in the emerging capitalist society of the day.
"One of these was the gradual displacement of the so-called laissez-faire economic system by one in which the concentration and centralisation of capital was giving birth to what later came to be called the captains of industry. These captains sought to create a social order in which no fetter would be placed on them as they worked to maximise their profits, accumulate wealth and influence, and achieve domination.
"The other tendency was the growth of the trade and political associations of the working people, as a result of which they were gaining industrial and political power. In particular, they would use this power to influence the government and the state to regulate the activities of the owners of property to their advantage, against the unbridled exercise of power by the owners of productive property.
"Bentham entered into this breach to propagate a doctrine seemingly focused on the freedom of the individual. Historically, both Whig and Tory have drawn on this intellectual resource to justify their political positions.
Whether they know it or not, the DP are our home-grown Tories, the offspring of Thatcherism, having adopted that tendency in the theories of Jeremy Bentham which served best to legitimise the domination of the dominant.
"Behind all the words we have quoted, is the fundamental idea that everything must be left to the great leveller, the market, which is driven by the notion that 'self regarding interest is predominant over social interest', as Bentham put it.
"In our specific situation, what this means is that those who are fittest to survive will survive. Those who are best able will qualify on the basis of merit. Those whose race defined them as sub-human must now have no access to state support, which state must, after all, retreat to allow those who have the means to survive and dominate, to dominate.
"This is the soulless secular theology which indeed defines the DP as the opposition party. It has nothing to do with theories about democracy." What is described today as neo-liberalism is firmly founded on the original liberalism propounded by Jeremy Bentham.
Other elements of the rightwing platform include the defence of white minority privilege, the mobilisation of the national minorities on the basis of fear, and the falsification of the nature of our movement and struggle to reinforce the long-established racist stereotype of Africans as being immoral, corrupt, inept and violent.
The rightwing also tries to mobilise various forces within the countries of the West to advance its particular agenda.
The strategic objective of the rightwing is to corrode the popular support of our movement especially among the African people and to persuade the national minorities to turn against us.
It hopes that by consistently working to discredit our policies and arguing that they are ineffective in terms of solving the problems facing our country and people, it will succeed to persuade the majority to abandon our movement and switch its allegiance to political forces that, in reality, are opposed to the fundamental social transformation of our country.
However hopeless this task may seem to be to us, nevertheless we must know that our rightwing opponents will not give up. We must also recognise the fact that the rightwing in our country is to be found not only in the various political formations, but also in other areas of social activity. This serves to amplify the voice of the rightwing and increase its audibility and visibility.
Among other things, we must engage in struggle continuously to defend our positions. We must ensure that we emerge victorious in the ongoing and uninterrupted contest of ideas about the future of our country, our continent and the world.
For a more detailed understanding of the positions of the right, I would like to commend to the delegates the book "A Marriage made in Heaven".
Our movement and its policies are also under sustained attack from domestic and foreign left sectarian factions that claim to be the best representatives of the workers and the poor of our country. They accuse our movement of having abandoned the working people, saying that we have adopted and are implementing neo-liberal policies.
These factions claim to be pursuing a socialist agenda. They assert that, on the contrary, we are acting as agents of the domestic and international capitalist class and such multilateral organisations as the World Bank and the IMF, against the interests of the working people.
Accordingly, they consider the perspective contained in our elaboration of the national democratic revolution as being nothing more than a deceitful manoeuvre to camouflage an anti-working class and pro-capitalist programme. They are therefore contemptuous of the goals that our national liberation movement has pursued since its foundation.
Instead, they believe that we should abandon our positions and adopt the policies they advance, which they present as being consistent with a "socialist" agenda, and the only legitimate route available to our people to extricate themselves from the legacy of colonialism and apartheid we inherited.
We cited the comments we made in the National Assembly in 1999 at some length partly because the left sectarian factions we have spoken of accuse us of precisely the agenda propagated by the Democratic Party. In this context, they never attack this party of reaction.
Instead, on the basis of a false presentation of what is happening in our country, they have chosen to direct their offensive against our movement rather than the political and other domestic and international forces that, objectively, constitute an obstacle to the achievement of the goals of the national democratic revolution.
Accordingly, they use all manner of falsifications to transpose the agenda of the Democratic Party onto the ANC. In this regard, they do not hesitate to tell blatant untruths about everything.
This includes such issues as the role of our evolving democratic state in the national democratic revolution, the objective constraints impacting on the process of fundamental social transformation, the restructuring of state assets, and the existence or otherwise of democratic space for the free expression of views by everybody in our country, including the left sectarian factions themselves.
The resultant false characterisation of our movement and its policies enables the left sectarian factions to explain why they wage a struggle against the national liberation movement, while being perfectly comfortable with the reality that, in this regard, they occupy the same trench with the anti-socialist forces which they claim are their sworn enemies. The strategic objective of these ultra-left factions is to transform our continuing national democratic struggle into an offensive for the victory of the socialist revolution, however defined. The essence of their assault against our policies is that these policies do not advance the socialist agenda.
This is despite the fact that our movement, like all other national liberation movements throughout the world, is, inherently and by definition, not a movement whose mission is to fight for the victory of socialism. Had there been a merger of the national liberation and socialist goals in our country, with the ANC being both a national liberation movement and a party of socialist change, there would have been no historical need for a Communist Party, and no need for the existence today of our ally, the South African Communist Party.
This may not be the occasion to discuss the tactics of the ultra-left in its struggle to win hegemony for itself and its positions over the national liberation movement. Our Conference has been convened to discuss policy rather than organisational matters. Nevertheless, I believe that our 51st National Congress will have to discuss these organisational matters because, among other things, they are central to the issue of our capacity to implement the policies we adopt.
The issue of the offensive of the ultra-left against our movement is also important because this ultra-left works to implant itself within our ranks. It strives to abuse our internal democratic processes to advance its agenda, against policies agreed by our most senior decision-making structures, including our National Congresses. It hopes to capture control of our movement and transform it into an instrument for the realisation of its objectives.
These are organisational matters that will be fully canvassed at the forthcoming National Congress. Among other things, the National Congress will have to consider the question of how we should respond to the objective reality that we have been defined by both the rightwing and the ultra-left as their common enemy.
It will be the task of the Congress to make the matter very plain to everybody that the African National Congress will defend itself against all attacks, whether from the rightwing or the ultra-left, as it has done during the nine decades of its existence.
We will also engage the masses of our people in this struggle, as our movement has always done, in defence of their organisation for national liberation that has not hesitated to pay whatever price circumstances demanded of our leaders, members and activists.
We must make the point very clear that we will respond in adequate measure to those who treat us as their enemy. We will engage this contest respecting the historic practice of our movement to conduct a principled struggle that does not accept the proposition that the means justify the end. We are certain that, as before, what is right, truthful, and serves the interests of our people will win the day.
There are some basic propositions that have informed our actions for a long period of time. One of these is that our strategic objective is the all-round liberation of the African majority in particular and the black people in general. This Conference must assess whether we have the necessary policies to meet this strategic objective.
For decades we engaged in struggle to ensure that the people shall govern. We do not come from a tradition that says that an elite shall govern, separated from the people, a parasitic growth that feeds on the people, an obstacle to the upliftment of these masses, an instrument to silence their voice. This Conference must assess whether we have the necessary policies to meet the strategic objective that the people shall govern.
We have fought to create a non-racial and non-sexist society and thus to overcome the terrible legacy of racism and sexism in our country. In this context, we have fought in defence of the proposition that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white. Quite often we speak of nation-building, sometimes in a glib and easy manner. The practical implementation of this task requires that we pay close attention to such matters, among others, as the content of our educational system, the role of the public broadcaster, the promotion of our national heritage, moral regeneration, and the establishment and proper invigoration of such bodies as the constitutional Commission for the Promotion and Protection of Linguistic, Cultural and Religious Rights. This Conference must assess whether we have the necessary policies to meet all these strategic objectives.
The all-round liberation of the historically oppressed masses of our country, including the black working class and the rural poor, has also meant that we must work to eradicate poverty and underdevelopment in our society and end the racial and gender imbalances in the distribution of wealth, income and opportunity that we continue to experience. We cannot and will never proceed from a position that says that the masses of our people can be genuinely free when they are politically emancipated and economically impoverished. A central feature of our continuing struggle for the victory of the national democratic revolution is, and has to be, to end the conditions that describe millions of our people as the wretched of the earth, daily burdened and crushed by the most intolerable and dehumanising poverty. At the beginning of this year, we called on our people to unite in a common struggle to push back the frontiers of poverty. We cannot abuse the confidence that our people have in the ANC, which leads them freely to choose our movement to take the reigns of state power, by using these state positions for self-enrichment and the promotion of an elite that climbs on the backs of the toiling masses to reach heavenly heights of prosperity. This Conference must assess whether we have the necessary policies to meet this strategic objective.
We were founded as a movement dedicated to the liberation of our continent, Africa, the genuine emancipation of its peoples, its unity and renaissance. For many decades we have proclaimed in song - Nkosi sikelel' iAfrika! This Conference must assess whether we have the necessary policies to meet this strategic objective.
For decades we have fought for the liberation of all oppressed and exploited people throughout the world, upheld the concept of international and human solidarity and struggled for a world order that addresses the interests of the ordinary masses that constitute the political category - the people. This Conference must assess whether we have the necessary policies to meet this strategic objective.
Without a consistent and integrated policy direction, we will be nothing other than a rudderless ship on the high seas. Without the implementation of these policy positions, we will be nothing but a collection of empty drums that make a lot of noise. I am certain that this Policy Conference cannot avoid discussion of the central question of the implementation of our policies. This is already reflected in the resolutions that have come from the preparatory policy conferences. This bears on a number of areas. These include the capacity of our movement, our elected representatives, the government executive organs, and the public service at all levels, to implement the policies on which we have agreed and which we were mandated by the people to implement, in and after free and fair elections. We made a commitment to these masses that, together with them, we would accelerate the process of change in our country, through the vigorous implementation of our policies and the further mobilisation of the people to act as their own liberators from poverty and underdevelopment. This Conference must assess whether we have the necessary policies to meet this strategic objective.
Various matters currently on the national, continental and global agenda confirm the critical importance of this Policy Conference. They confirm the need for us, the leader of our national democratic revolution, to elaborate our policy positions with the utmost care and to implement these policies with the greatest vigour, once our movement has adopted them.
In this context, we must make the point without any equivocation or apology of any kind, that we will ensure that all our members, whatever their position in our movement and society, work to defend and implement all agreed policies. This requires the kind of cadre of our movement that our Port Elizabeth National General Council said we must build. This is a cadre who strives at all times to raise his or her political consciousness. This is a cadre who works continuously to improve his or her skills to enhance his or her capacity to serve the people of South Africa. This is a cadre who is loyal to the movement, dedicated to its cause and respects the discipline of a movement she or he would have joined voluntarily, with no compulsion by anybody. It may be that not everybody accepts what some may consider to be burdensome obligations of membership of the ANC. We are permanently interested in increasing the size and strength of our movement. Nevertheless I am convinced that we must also pay particular attention to the principle - better fewer, but better!
In this regard, on behalf of the National Executive Committee, I would like to urge all the delegates at this Conference to express themselves freely on all the matters on our agenda, including the statement the President of the ANC is currently making to the Conference. We must sustain the spirit of open debate that has informed our preparations for this Conference. All I am saying is that we must conduct ourselves as the ANC has always conducted itself. At the end, when we have taken our decisions, again we must conduct ourselves as the ANC has always conducted itself. We must therefore respect and defend the agreed positions of the movement. There is no provision in the Constitution of the ANC that says that we must allow for anarchy within our ranks. Should you, the delegates, feel that this is a principle and practice that will strengthen the movement and advance the national democratic struggle, you are free to propose the necessary amendments to our constitution, for submission to our National Congress.
Earlier we said that various matters currently on the national, continental and global agenda confirm the critical importance of this Policy Conference. Let me mention some of these.
At home, we are confronted immediately by the issue of high food prices, which further entrenches poverty and suffering among the masses of our people. We continue to experience serious government deficiencies in service delivery, even in instances where there is no financial constraint. On the positive side, among others, the negotiations about a Mining Charter are proceeding well and hopefully will be concluded soon.
Even as we are making advances with regard to the objective of peace and stability on our Continent, a violent eruption in the Cote d'Ivoire has worsened instability in West Africa. To counter-balance this, good progress is being made to resolve the conflicts in the Democratic Republic of Congo and Burundi.
At the same time, our Continent is set to make important advances as it builds the African Union and implements its socio-economic programme, the New Partnership for Africa's Development, NEPAD, both of which enjoy the united support of the international community. Yesterday our National Assembly unanimously approved the resolution that we should offer to host the Pan-African Parliament provided for in the Constitutive Act of the African Union.
The people of Palestine continue to be denied their right to an independent state. Everyday we are fed news about the deathly conflict between the Israelis and Palestinians. The clouds of war are gathering over Iraq, even as the government of that country has unconditionally agreed that the arms inspectors should resume their work.
The authority of the United Nations is being questioned and undermined, together with the principle and practice of multi-lateralism, even as everything else emphasises the critical importance of establishing a democratic system of global governance.
Recently, this was underlined by the Johannesburg World Summit for Sustainable Development, the UN General Assembly discussion and decisions on NEPAD, the continuing WTO negotiations, and the need to implement the decisions of the Millennium Summit, as well as the Durban World Conference Against Racism, Racial Discrimination Xenophobia and Related Intolerances. We must have a principled response to all these matters, acting on the basis of specific policies and policy frameworks on which we will have agreed. The limited ranges of current issues we have mentioned indicate the gravity of the tasks that face this Policy Conference.
Contrary to the thinking and intentions of some in our midst, this is neither the place nor the time to promote personal or sectarian agendas focused on winning positions either on provincial executive committees or the national executive committee that will be elected at our 51st National Congress.
The tasks facing this Policy Conference require genuine cadres of our movement who can honestly say - we serve the people of South Africa! The preparatory processes that preceded this National Conference have demonstrated that we have such cadres.
On behalf of the National Executive Committee, I would like to salute and extend our respect to all our members, our leaders and activists at the branch, regional and provincial levels, the Leagues and other structures, for the serious work they have done that will ensure that this Policy Conference is truly a Policy Conference of the African National Congress.
The amount of work done is reflected in the fact that the draft resolutions emanating from our provincial policy conferences, the Leagues and the national parliamentary caucus add up to 193 pages.
The participation of other organised formations of our people at this National Policy Conference of the African National Congress makes the firm statement that when we meet at the University of Stellenbosch three months from now, we will convene as the National Congress of the African people, correctly and inclusively defined.
Let us get down to work to ensure that we recommend policies to the 51st National Congress of the African people, which will address the historic mission of our national liberation movement, and enable our movement effectively to carry out its tasks at this stage of the national democratic revolution. The struggle continues! Victory is certain! Amandla!
By Jeff Radebe, Head of the ANC Policy Committee
This National Policy Conference is the culmination of months of dedicated work by comrades, but also represents a major step towards the final stages of preparation for the 51st Congress of our Movement, the ANC. Our collective purpose is to extend and refine the work of the last few months. The result shall be a thorough-going assessment of our policy and work as an organization, as the leading force of the national liberation movement, and as the mandated representative of the majority of our people in spheres of government across the length and breadth of our motherland.
Policy development in the ANC has a long and proud history. Throughout the years, and most notably through the democratic and popular campaigns that led to the Congress of the People and the adoption of the Freedom Charter in 1955 and its subsequent adoption as ANC policy in 1956, the ANC has always combined the wishes of the people with strategic direction. The importance of policy development was reaffirmed at Mafikeng in 1997. Along the road to establishing an ANC Policy Institute we have already set up the Stalwarts Research Trust to facilitate the process and to lay the foundation for the Institute.
As we proclaim the significance of this National Policy Conference it is necessary to outline the path taken to reach here, and to summarise very briefly the areas that have been covered. When I conclude comrades, you will, I trust, agree with me that the transparent, democratic and thorough process that has brought us together this weekend has itself contributed greatly to the status and authority of this Conference within the ANC and in South Africa as a whole.
Preparations for this Conference began last year with requests for submissions from various structures, including NEC subcommittees, government departments, parliamentary study groups, provincial legislatures and all ANC structures. This initial process culminated in a policy conference preparatory workshop held at Willow Park. The generation of comprehensive discussion documents and numerous political papers sought to align the wide-ranging discussions with the policy review process itself. Another critically important outcome of the process so far is the impact it has had on our understanding of the organizational imperatives for the ANC as a whole if it is to continue as an effective policy implementation strategy both inside and outside government.
Altogether, a mammoth mobilization of comrades and structures has led us to Esselen Park today. 97 regional and sub-regional workshops, attended by branches, members of RECs and PECs alongside comrades from the NEC began the process. Central to the success of these workshops was the training programme carried out to provide facilitators to the workshops. A massive campaign to "train the trainers" produced workshops conducted at national and regional levels, and at the National Parliament and in provincial legislatures. It is indeed noteworthy that out of these workshops a total of 8 500 ANC comrades emerged to play an active role to guide successfully the many thousands more who participated in the policy review workshops. We know too that countless branch meetings in every corner of our far-flung land also seized the moment to discuss our way forward.
Very successful Provincial Policy Conferences were held in the 9 provinces as well, bringing together more than 8000 delegates there. The Policy Department has also received more than 400 separate submissions from branches and regions around the country. It is quite clear that throughout the process, all ANC structures, including the Women and Youth Leagues, Alliance structures, the ANC's public representatives in parliament, provincial legislatures and local government, and comrades who have been deployed in various structures and institutions, actively participated in this policy review.
The result will emerge forcefully over the next three days. It may just be that the processes of discussion, debate, consideration and reflection that have characterized the interrogation of our policy formulations and their implementation that has occurred over the last months reflect the widest, deepest democratic process of policy assessment and formulation that the ANC has ever undertaken. By so doing, the National Executive Committee of the ANC congratulates the membership of the ANC for rallying to the task with such dedication and commitment in a collective effort to secure the best ways to provide a better life for all our people.
Our membership has done the ANC proud.
The policy discussions have fallen into essentially 9 categories, and have addressed both general and specific issues in each one. These categories match the 9 Commissions in which the bulk of this Conference's work will take place. Branches and structures were assisted in the task through Umrabulo, the Special Edition, as well as a series of Notes for Branches on Conference Papers.
It is important to point out that the discussion process has been a disciplined one. It was located within the context of ANC policy as it has developed over the 9 decades of our existence, and also paid particular attention to the interpretation and implementation of the resolutions that emerged from the 50th Congress in Mafikeng. Furthermore, our membership has assessed the new developments and identified new challenges that have arisen during the period after 1997. As such we have analysed the extent to which our 1997 mandate has been fulfilled, and where our implementation has been found to be in the right direction, or where it has been found wanting. This practical alignment between policy and reality, and between interpretation and implementation, is a critically important approach to keep in mind as we continue to discuss issues. There has been constant reference to the development of our Strategy and Tactics, and an assessment of the balance of forces in our current situation and an identification of the motive forces driving our society.
We have identified some of the key elements that have emerged during the process and which form central concerns of comrades. We need energetically to develop and consolidate all efforts towards the eradication of poverty in our country. In this, a major concentration must be on the question of economic transformation, the integration of development issues into all areas, questions of infrastructure delivery, the role of SMMEs and black economic empowerment, the deracialisation and democratization of the economy, and the integration of gender into all our programmes much more forcefully than has been achieved so far. The identification of particular measures to roll back poverty in the short term, such as the structure of a comprehensive social security system, have also emerged as important items.
Breaking down the barriers of traditional financing arrangements that banks and other institutions practice; including bureaucratic restrictions on housing grants and so on, are also central issues of concern. Getting the news of what is really happening to our people, and of using communications as a means to empower not merely to amuse or entertain our people, have also been highlighted.
The ANC is a robust organization, capable of strong debate and greater resolution to implement what we, as an organisation acting through its constitutional structures, decide should be done. We understand only too well that there are no easy answers to the major questions and challenges that face us. The summary of discussions that we have received also indicate clearly that our membership understands clearly that as we proceed to implement policies there are times where unintended consequences emerge, or that new and challenging contradictions can arise. For the emergence of new challenges, however they manifest themselves, is part and parcel of the dialectic of social and economic change and transformation. It has been said that "if we underestimate what we have achieved, then criticism becomes corrosive rather than constructive." By the same token, the discussions in the ANC also show that if we exaggerate our progress, then constructive criticism itself can fall prey to complacency. The ANC has always been home to constructive and incisive discussion. Where complacency raised its head before it was rooted out and discarded.
The NEC is confident that the preparations for this Policy Conference have provided a firm platform upon which to build a strong edifice to take us into the 51st Congress of the African National Congress.
ON STRATEGY AND TACTICS AND THE BALANCE OF FORCES
This National Policy Conference of the ANC:
NOTING
BELIEVING
THEREFORE RESOLVES THAT THE FOLLOWING MATTERS REQUIRE FURTHER ELABORATION AND/OR CLARIFICATION:
1.1 One of the central tasks of the NDR is to reshape apartheid property relations, and in this regard the ANC needs to disaggregate various forms of capital and define the relationship between the democratic movement and private capital
1.2 An important element of the NDR is the ideological struggle: to ensure that society in broad terms embraces outlooks, cultural values and moral stances which are consonant with the humane, non-racial, non-sexist and caring society that we seek to build.
1.3 The ANC needs to assert its positions clearly and firmly on ideological and political currents that find expression in the current situation, including neo-liberalism and modern ultra-left tendencies: and in the process articulate the movement's positions as a force of the left, organised to conduct disciplined struggle in pursuit of the interests of the poor.
1.4 The Strategy and Tactics document should articulate the issue of gender in a clearer manner, integrating gender theory into the essence of the document, rather than merely referring to women's issues in its sections.
2.1 The concept of "motive force" should be further clarified, to underline that such forces are so identified because of their objective and systemic interest in the success of the NDR, and that the working class and the poor are the core of these forces.
2.2 The national and class forces which constitute these motive forces are as described in the 1997 Strategy and Tactics document, and they include the black, emergent section of the capitalist class. This class, as with other motive forces, needs to be organised and mobilised to serve the interests of reconstruction and development.
2.3 On the other hand, the ANC needs to win over to the cause of fundamental change all other sections of South African society, including white workers, the middle strata and the bourgeoisie, ensuring that that they appreciate that their long-term interests in the context of the NDR reside in joint patriotic efforts to build a better life for all.
3.1 Experience gained in the 8 years of democracy brings into sharper focus the challenge of ensuring that the ANC is the source and driver of programmes carried out in all terrains of struggle, including government. Capacity of the ANC to give such leadership on the basis of broad mandates by constitutional structures, and mechanisms of accountability need to be further interrogated.
3.2 The ANC should build its capacity to interact with, and guide, various social movements which pursue some of the interests of the motive forces.
3.3 At the same time, the ANC should master the art and science of managing secondary contradictions ("contradictions among the people"). This includes challenging sectarianism among some of the motive forces, as well as any other tendencies that have the effect of undermining the process of social transformation.
3.4 The ANC needs systematically to develop a corps of cadres steeped in its theory and culture. The forms of such theory and culture will themselves evolve with changing circumstances.
4.1 Since 1997, further opportunities in the global situation include: the formation of the AU, new possibilities to resolve some of Africa's regional conflicts, adoption of NEPAD, the outcomes of the WSSD, and increased articulation by the UN of developmental interests of the South.
4.2 South Africa has enhanced its standing and role in the efforts of developing countries, global progressive forces and Africa in particular to build a just and humane world order.
4.3 This period has also witnessed further crises of the system of global capitalism and exposed its incapacity to address in a lasting and comprehensive way, the needs of the poor of the world.
4.4 In the aftermath of September 11, 2001, leading circles in some developed countries have sought to heighten international tensions and insecurity, in order to set a militarised global agenda that detracts from the key challenges of sustainable global growth and development. In noting this strategy, the Strategy and Tactics document should at the same time reflect the ANC's principled rejection of terrorism.
4.5 It should also articulate the ANC's opposition to efforts by some right-wing forces to resort to unilateralism and reliance on brute force and psychological terrorism as a means of settling international disputes.
4.6 In the context of these and other objective conditions and subjective factors, the issue of the sovereignty especially of "small states" in a unipolar and globalising world stands out in bold relief.
5.1 This programme should address all the major centres of power, including the battle of ideas.
5.2 The ANC should give leadership to society on the expectations, possibilities and its own commitments regarding the Second Decade of Freedom (2004 - 2014), including the period leading up to the Centenary of the founding of the ANC (2012).
5.3 The programme should be more explicit on the challenges and opportunities of human resource preservation and development. This includes matters pertaining to the HIV and AIDS epidemic and other communicable diseases.
5.4 Elaboration of programme of change should include clearer articulation of the principle of targeting, sequencing of actions and time lags between introduction of programmes and their impact.
6.1 The victory of the ANC in the 1999 elections with an increased majority and the possibility to speed up transformation is one of the critical developments in the changing balance of forces within SA.
6.2 Coupled with this is the failure of opponents of the ANC to consolidate any credible and significant force to undermine the programme of social change. These forces, however, continue to occupy strategic positions of influence in a number of centres of power, such as the media and the economy.
6.3 Further, the disorganisation of the extreme rightwing forces has not removed altogether the possibility of some of them executing acts of terrorism that could have devastating effects on life and limb.
Reiterating that these observations do not warrant a qualitative change in the Strategy and Tactics of the ANC as adopted in 1997, This National Policy Conference:
ON SOCIAL TRANSFORMATION
Noting that
Believing that
Therefore resolves
ON ATTACKING POVERTY AND COMPREHENSIVE SOCIAL SECURITY
ON HEALTH FOR ALL
1.1 Government must speed up the implementation of the recommendations of the commission of inquiry into a comprehensive social security system in the spirit of the Mafikeng conference resolution on the National Health Insurance (NHI).
1.2 Such a scheme should enhance the equitable access by the general public to health care and reduce the inequities between the private and public health providers.
1.3 Specific emphasis should be placed on strengthening the capacity of the public health system to generate revenue from those who can afford to pay and ensure that such revenue is used to improve the public health system.
1.4 We must ensure that state medical aid support for its employees is designed so as to strengthen the public system; and
1.5 Ensure that persons in the custody of state through the criminal justice system are cared for in the public health institutions.
2.1 There is a need to strengthen primary health care especially in rural areas, by among others eradicating the backlog on health services and improving the availability of doctors and nurses, especially in clinics.
2.2 Improve the management of hospitals and clinics with community participation.
2.3 Act decisively to attack preventable illness through, amongst others, immunization programme, strengthen measures to combat cholera and tuberculosis and ensure the early treatment of chronic and non-communicable diseases.
2.4 Accelerate appropriate decentralization of certain health services to local government with appropriate resources.
2.5 Put in place strategies to ensure access of health care on a 24-hour basis.
2.6 Ensure that norms and standards including staffing and service delivery which are applicable across the country be implemented over the next five years.
2.7 Accelerate the integration of the traditional healing system and the military health services to the public health system.
2.8 Accelerate strategies for the training and retention of health professionals.
2.9 Strengthen programmes for child nutrition, food security and improvement of nourishment.
2.10 Accelerate strategies to strengthen (improve) maternal and infant mortality.
2.11 Accelerate campaigns against drug, tobacco and alcohol abuse.
2.12 Strengthen the implementation of the Patient's Charter and Service pledge and the establishment of patients' complaint procedures and help desks at all health care institutions.
2.13 Strengthen the distribution of drugs so that they reach all our people.
2.14 Ensure access to affordable medicines including speeding up the implementation of Act 90 of 97 on the implementation of generic substitution and parallel importation.
2.15 Facilitate the issue of compulsory licensing where appropriate.
2.16 Ensure appropriate funding and equitable access to specialized and highly specialized services for all citizens.
3. HIV and AIDS
3.1 To strengthen and accelerate the implementation of the national AIDS strategy as amplified in the cabinet statement of 17 April 2002.
3.2 The ANC to be at the forefront of community mobilisation and leadership around HIV and AIDS especially around awareness, prevention, voluntary testing and counseling, treatment and care.
3.3 This should include clinical protocol guidelines, training programmes and support for health workers, infrastructure for the monitoring and follow up of patients, the treatment of opportunistic infections and the use of anti-retrovirals where appropriate.
3.4 To accelerate the research and testing on the vaccine, as well as immunity boosters.
3.5 To strengthen the functioning of national and Provincial AIDS councils with appropriate accountability mechanisms.
3.6 Investigate making HIV and AIDS a notifiable disease taking into account the issue of patient confidentiality and stigmatisation.
3.7 To continue to fight the continued discrimination by insurance companies of dependants of people who have died of AIDS related diseases.
3.8 Mitigating the impact of Aids by reducing discrimination against infected and affected people and building psychosocial support, providing essential medical care, providing support to families caring for people living with AIDS and orphans and developing effective workplace programmes.
3.9 Developing community capacity to respond to the pandemic including home based care, by strengthening broad anti-poverty and community development programme.
ON HUMAN RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT
ON HOUSING, BASIC SERVICES AND HUMAN SETTLEMENTS
LAND REFORM
ON HERITAGE, SPORTS AND RECREATION, ARTS AND CULTURE
ON ECONOMIC TRANSFORMATION
Our Policy Framework
3.1. substantial growth in small and micro enterprise, based in large part on land reform as well as improved access to finance, infrastructure and marketing;
3.2. the diversification of the economy to enhance local value added both to meet the basic needs of all our people and to increase export revenues;
3.3. integration into the global economy in ways that create jobs and provide opportunities especially for black people, women and the poor;
3.4. development of the full productive potential of our economy
3.5. broad-based skills development; and
3.6. macro-economic stability at a level that supports economic growth and development.
Despite this legacy, the ANC-led government has made great achievements. We have ensured:
- high levels of confidence, certainty and stability
- lower government debt, and inflation
- substantial growth in exports, of manufactured goods especially in the auto industry and minerals other than gold, as well as generally rising productivity and improved skills
- a sharper regional and continental focus
- increased empowerment opportunities for black people, women and the poor
- labour-market reforms that have greatly improved labour relations
- high unemployment, with continuing job losses in the formal sector and rising joblessness especially among the youth
- low growth, low savings and investment
- continued mass poverty and deep inequalities based on class, race, gender and region
- to continue to mobilise support for our economic policies and strategies and seek to reach consensus on these within the Alliance and society in general.
- Faster, employment-creating growth based on higher and better structured investment
- More equitable ownership of productive assets as well as access to skills and infrastructure in order to empower in particular black people, women and the poor in general
- A substantial expansion in employment opportunities and sustainable livelihoods.
- Programmes to meet basic needs and alleviate poverty in ways that as far as possible expand domestic demand and increase productive employment
- Well-managed integration within regional and world markets
- Maintenance of macro-economic stability
- Comprehensive and integrated micro-economic reforms in key sectors supported by skills development, to increase productivity, meet basic needs and create employment
- Support for small and micro enterprise, including through land reform and provision of basic infrastructure
- Improved income transfers and services to alleviate poverty
- Strong efforts to mobilise private capital around new productive projects and infrastructure
- Raising the level and efficiency of Public Sector investment
- Mobilising key stakeholders behind the concept of sustainable development through initiatives like the Growth and Development Summit
- Implementation of a comprehensive strategy for food security
- Continually assess our labour and safety legislation and monitor its implementation to ensure improvement in the working conditions of especially vulnerable sectors.
- Support for the Proudly South African campaign.
- The growth rate
- reduction in unemployment
- increase in real GDP per capita
- the Human Development Index
- the Poverty Gap index
- Indices of macro-economic stability
UNEMPLOYMENT AND UNDER-EMPLOYMENT
Noting
Resolve
BLACK ECONOMIC EMPOWERMENT
Noting
Resolve
RESTRUCTURING OF STATE-OWNED ASSETS AND ENTERPRISES
Noting
Resolves
BUILDING A CO-OPERATIVE MOVEMENT
Noting
Resolve
LABOUR AND HUMAN RESOURCES DEVELOPMENT
Noting
Believing
Resolve
FISCAL POLICY
Noting
Resolve
COMBATING INFLATION
Noting
Resolves
THE GLOBAL TRADING SYSTEM
Noting
4. Resolve
NEW PARTNERSHIP FOR AFRICA'S DEVELOPMENT
Noting
Resolve
MINING
Noting
Resolve
2.1. Implementing strategies to overcome the obstacles to beneficiation, particularly non-competitive pricing.
2.2. Building on the strong technological base South Africa has in mining to support exports of capital goods and technological advances in other industries.
AGRICULTURE AND FOOD SECURITY
Noting
Resolve
FISHING
Noting
The progress made with respect to restructuring the fishing industry in the context of sustainability.
Poverty and unemployment remain amongst the major challenges in fishing communities.
Resolve
TOURISM
Noting
MANUFACTURING
Noting
Believing
Resolve
TRANSPORT
Noting
Believing
Resolve
4. 1. To ensure that our growth and development strategies are underpinned by integrated and coherent logistical networks, using amongst other things, state-owned transport assets to achieve such integration.
TECHNOLOGICAL INNOVATION
Noting
Resolve
To commit to a long-term research and development strategy that
ENERGY
Noting
Believing
Resolve
THE FINANCIAL SECTOR
Noting
- Toward capital-intensive sectors and offshore investment,
- Against low-income housing, small and micro enterprise, infrastructure and municipalities
Resolve
- Appropriate changes in the legislative and regulatory framework,
- Government and NGO programmes to strengthen these institutions through training, subsidies and other measures,
- Encouragement to unions and public-sector employers, including local governments and parastatals, to establish co-operative banks.
- Review the Bank's Act to enable legal Development Micro-finance Institutions to on-lend poor women's savings.
- Campaigns for a culture of savings by all sectors of the population.
LOCAL ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
Resolve that we should develop local economic development strategies that:
APPENDIX: KEY INDICATORS FOR OUTCOMES
Employment
| KEY PERFORMANCE INDICATORS | COMMENT |
|
We want to halve the current level of unemployment to 20% by 2014. We are working towards changing the composition of skilled and unskilled workers through the rapid implementation of resources for skills development programmes. We will work with industry to create labour intensive production which will in turn impact positively on small business. We will support sectoral programmes and the Proudly South Africa campaign to mobilise capital, labour and other stakeholders around employment-creating growth. |
Black economic empowerment
| KEY PERFORMANCE INDICATORS | COMMENT |
|
The ANC sees BEE as a process that should empower the majority of our people, not just a small minority. That means all our measures to improve the distribution of income and wealth must be used in assessing BEE. In particular, the share of black people, especially black women, in ownership and management of companies and land and in high-level managerial and professional positions must increase qualitatively. |
Restructuring public enterprises and assets
| KEY PERFORMANCE INDICATORS | COMMENT |
|
The restructuring programme aims primarily to ensure that services are provided more efficiently and affordably. To achieve this aim requires adequate regulation. |
Building a cooperative movement
| KEY PERFORMANCE INDICATORS | COMMENT |
|
The government will ensure that we create an environment in which cooperatives thrive and grow, are supported by government and public enterprises and constitute a more significant section of the economy by the year 2014. |
Skills development
| KEY PERFORMANCE INDICATORS | COMMENT |
|
The apartheid system deprived African schools, in particular, of teachers and facilities for maths, science, computer training and cultural studies - all of which are critical for engagement in the modern economy. |
ON TARGETED GROUPS
Women, youth, children, the elderly and people with disabilities)
Noting that:
Believing that:
Therefore Resolves that:
ON WOMEN
Noting that
- The role of the ANCWL and the need to strengthen it;
- Introduction of one third quota in all structures of the ANC;
- Building a broad national women's movement;
- Strengthening the gender machinery in government;
- Action against violence women and maintenance violations; and
- Calling for a review of all discriminatory customs, traditions and other practices that are oppressive to women.
Further noting that
Believing that
Resolve that
ON YOUTH
Noting that
Therefore resolves:
ON CHILDREN
Noting that:
Further noting:
Believing that:
Therefore resolves that:
- The shift from curative to preventative measures in the protection of children;
- Strengthening of legislation to protect children, including defining sexual abuse as a distinct form of abuse that requires a direct response from government and society;
- Ensuring an integrated response from government agencies working with children by considering for inclusion in the new children's legislation a basic basket of preventative and protective services that government must make available;
- That the new children's legislation must be clear about the responsibilities of certain categories of professionals to report abuse or suspected abuse;
- Strengthen the criminal justice system to protect children and prevent abuse; and
- Raise community awareness of the effects of abuse on children and the services available to assist in the protection of children.
ON THE ELDERLY
Noting that
Believing that
Resolves on
ON PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES
Noting that
Believing that:
Resolve that
ON INFRASTRUCTURE DEVELOPMENT
NOTING THAT
- Underutilization of existing infrastructure
- Poor coordination in the development of new infrastructure
- Poor quality of infrastructure provision.
- Lack of sustainability resulting from lack of adequate operational planning and maintenance.
- Urbanisation, resulting in urban sprawl and the growth in informal settlements.
- Over-utilisation of consultants
AND FURTHER NOTING THAT
- 2.8 million phones have been installed, most of which are in previously neglected areas;
- Over 1.4 million housing subsidies have been allocated and over 1.3 million houses built;
- Over 3 million homes have been electrified;
- We have spent over R18 billion on roads, with 78% of this spent on provincial and 22% on national roads; rural roads have been built consistently through an array of interventions, including the Community Based Public Works Programme;
- We have also spent over R1. 6 billion on rail infrastructure.
- The Consolidated Municipal Infrastructure Programme has allocated about R3.4 billion for sanitation, water, roads, and storm water projects and nearly R5 billion has been spent on rural water supply schemes to serve over 7 million people.
- The infrastructure budgets for education and health facilities have increased dramatically.
- A substantial number of jobs have been created through these investments.
BELIEVING THAT
- The recent growth of the ICT sector present important opportunities for economic and social development. Realizing these opportunities requires extensive infrastructure investment.
- The available of low-cost energy has attracted significant investment in a number sectors.
- Our transport infrastructure has enabled South Africa to realize its comparative advantages in the global economy.
AND FURTHER BELIEVING THAT
- To maintain and build upon the global comparative advantage created by our modern infrastructure.
- To support the provision of infrastructure throughout our continent as a contribution to the regeneration of the African continent in context of Nepad
- A dedicated focus on infrastructure development will further reinforce the input sector of the economy.
- To expand infrastructure development to all areas of our country and ensure equitable access to good infrastructure through a clear infrastructure development programme
- Eliminate inequalities and disparities in forward planning for infrastructure to ensure that resources are equitably used to meet the most critical needs first.
- Develop common standards for infrastructure development and maintenance which are affordable both to government and our people, and emphases labour intensive methods and technologies.
- Provide basic affordable household infrastructure to every household at standards defined appropriately for each type of human settlement.
- A transformed and competitive construction industry that is able to deliver value to society.
- A sufficient network of different types of (inter-modal) transport infrastructure to support economic development and human settlement development.
- High-level maintenance through community development programmes that encourage the participation of women, youth and unemployed people.
- Maximize economic development benefits and improve prospects for long-term economic growth by focusing on key input sectors such as energy, transport and Information and Communication Technologies as well as employment creation in areas where this can be most effectively undertaken;
- Ensure the proper balance between economic and social infrastructure;
- Support state restructuring and institutional development in order to ensure greater competitiveness, foster development on the basis of local potential and to facilitate the provision of basic needs throughout the country.
- Ensure the alignment of budget cycles of municipalities to be in concert with the multi-year budgeting cycle of other spheres of government, in order to ensure the effective planning and financing of IDP's
- Create of a consolidated information management system, to monitor quality services and products and formulate appropriate strategies
- Promote improved delivery capacity of the public sector and construction industry.
- Enhance inter-sectoral integration at national government level, intergovernmental integration between National, Provincial and Local Government and involve sate owned enterprises in delivery
- Infrastructure investment must be built upon the principle of co-operative governance and joint planning
- Establish a framework for monitoring and evaluation, identifying role-players and their responsibilities on the basis of clearly identifiable key performance areas and project deliverables in relation to cost, quality and socio economic outcomes.
Conference resolves that:
- Job creation, poverty eradication and income generation through an Expanded Public Works Programme approach, using labour intensive methods of construction and development.
- Building a globally competitive economy, especially through the targeting of infrastructure to the input sectors, including ICT, energy and transport
- Building democratic participation in development, the social cohesion of communities and removing obstacles to effective participation of women, youth and other targeted groups.
- Black Economic Empowerment, especially through building the capacity of and affirming the participation of small contractors and other businesses;
- A competitive, developmental and transformed construction industry that delivers value to society.
- Integrated human settlement development facilitated by an enhanced strategy for land acquisition through disposal of state land and expropriation, and the provision of social facilities.
- Providing infrastructure, in particular basic social and municipal services, through labour intensive methods to maximize job creation and skills development
- Proceed from a critical assessment of all current programmes with a view to strengthening procedures, overcoming institutional and operational difficulties in regard to the coordination of government and state owned enterprises.
- Develop the capacity of people, organisations and systems to ensure that the effective management of the delivery and maintenance of infrastructure is achieved, with special focus on the planning and operational capacity of District Municipalities.
- Ensure effective integration and coordination across departments and amongst all spheres of government.
- Ensure the appropriate prioritization of budgets,
- Ensure the expansion of public service capacity for infrastructure development
- Establish a monitoring and evaluation framework for infrastructure development, including the standardisation and harmonisation of procurement policies and procedures.
- Oversee the creation and work of a National Coordinating Forum for Infrastructure Development to facilitate discussion and implementation of an integrated infrastructure plan, based an enhanced public works programme.
- Ensure the application of labour intensive methods and technologies as the basis of infrastructure development and expanded public programme planning and implementation
- Consist of national, provincial and locals spheres of governments, as well as relevant State Owned Enterprises.
- Consider economic, social, planning and implementation implications of adopting the integrated infrastructure plan and draw in other stakeholders.
- Develop an infrastructure investment framework to:
- Facilitate and secure private sector investment through social investment programmes,
- Ensure investment by financial institutions in infrastructure,
- Align public sector budgeting, procurement and funding on multi year basis,
- Direct government purchasing power and procurement systems to support SMME skills development and investment in infrastructure.
- Co-ordination and prioritization of SOE programmes to support strategic objective of NDR and government policies, through mechanisms such as shareholder compacts, and
- Complement government programmes for economic growth and meeting basic needs.
- Create assets for the poor
- Create jobs for the unemployed
- Create income generating opportunities for communities, and
- Provide opportunities for skills development and training
ON PEACE AND STABILITY
National Policy Conference notes that:
Further noting:
Further noting the following challenges in peace and stability:
Believing:
That the policies of the ANC in promoting peace and stability remain sound and valid, notwithstanding numerous implementation and monitoring challenges and the need for a concrete implementation strategy to fulfill this urgent requirement.
Resolves:
ON TRANSFORMATION OF THE STATE
Noting
Further noting
- The Public Protector, The Human Rights Commission, Commission for Gender Equality, The Auditor General, The Independent Electoral Commission, The Public Service Commission, Financial and Fiscal Commission, the Reserve Bank, etc.
Believing that
THEREFORE RESOLVES
On a Future Electoral System
On Anti-Corruption
- Ensure that legislation is speedily implemented to deter corruption including the use of punitive measures;
- Continue to provide capacity for financial and project management;
- Ensure that whistle blowers are adequately protected in terms of the law;
- Evaluate the agencies involved in combating corruption and ensure that their activities are effectively co-ordinated in dealing with corruption.
- Embark on awareness campaigns amongst public representatives and public servants about mechanisms used/employed to corrupt, and/or compromise them, and of steps to take when they find themselves unwittingly compromised.
On Institutions Enhancing Democracy and Transformation
On Performance Management in the Public Sector
On Participatory Democracy
On Institutional Capacity Building for Improving Service Delivery
On the role of Parastatals in transformation of the State
On the Role of Local Government
On Transforming the Public service, the creation of a Single Public Service and accelerating service delivery through Batho Pele
1. The NEC should review the functioning of current structures to provide political direction to cadres deployed in all spheres of governance and to ensure accountability.
ON COMMUNICATIONS
Noting
Further noting
Believing
THEREFORE RESOLVE
On Organisational communication
On Government Communications
On Broadcasting
ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
PREAMBLE
We reaffirm the 1997 Strategy & Tactic as still relevant and propose these new developments as significant:
Our International policy derives from our national policy based on good governance, peace and stability, human rights and creating a better life for all, by creating a better world. The world remains divided between the rich developed nations and the poor developing nations, a gap that is widening. The gap between rich and poor within all societies has also widened. The South African reality, of a divided society, one section being rich and well resourced and the other poor and under-resourced, reflects this international dichotomy.
There are a number of International flash points: the Middle East, Balkans, South Asia and a number of African countries. Among these the Middle East (Israeli/Palestine, US/Iraq) is probably the most volatile.
We noted also the fuelling of international conflict by proliferating trade in small arms resulting from the expansion of NATO and the standardisation of system in that context, leading to the availability of serviceable but otherwise redundant weapons. In the post Cold War environment, humanity is still faced with the threat of weapons of mass destruction.
Though there has been a marked improvement in the Human Rights situation internationally, the accession of the Republican Administration in the USA, is leading to the erosion of gains made in a number of countries. There has also been a rightward shift in the electoral politics of Western Europe leading to heightening xenophobia, racism and a "fortress Europe" mentality. In opposition to this the developing countries have attempted to create solidarity among themselves; to build their collective capacity to handle conflict within and amongst developing countries; and to create mechanisms for conflict resolution.
The international balance of forces has been radically transformed by the posture adopted by the Republican administration of the USA which has embraced unilateralism and big power politics as its principal thrust. It is employing official development assistance to reinforce a USA centered Alliance system and as an instrument to pressurise countries into conformity and to punish governments it disapproves of. The terrorist attacks of September 11 (911) also serves as a pretext and stimulant of the USA unilateralism. Overt interventionism has become an explicit feature of the USA foreign policy, with the openly stated purpose of forcefully changing governments. Because, international terrorism is a global threat, this new direction of the US policy has encountered very little resistance from its allies and other nations. In pursuance of this policy direction, the Republican administration supplements unilateralism with the creation of "coalitions of the willing" which it then employs for its foreign policy objectives. Pre-emptive military strikes and gun-boat diplomacy has once again become a key feature of western policy and there has been an upsurge of Islamophobia.
In the developed countries we have witnessed the retreat or virtual disintegration of progressive forces. The marginalisation of the poorest and most vulnerable members of society in both the North and the South has made rightwing fundamentalism an attractive ideology. Because of these trends, we have also witnessed a clawing back of many human rights, including the rights and the gains women have made during the latter part of the 20th century. The Beijing Programme of Action and related international instruments are being reversed as a result of the growing strength of rightwing religious and secular movements. However, anti - war sentiment and the desire for peace still animates many sections of society in the countries of the North. Networks built on the principle of human solidarity; democratic government and peace have also gathered limited momentum.
Globalisation has become an established trend, with both negative and positive features. Rather than adopting an attitude of blanket opposition towards it, globalisation should be understood dialectically, with destructive as well as constructive features that can create new opportunities, which developing countries should seize.
The ANC led government has led the way at the World Trade Organisation and other international fora to try to restructure international trade regimes to the advantage of the developing countries; and registered a significant success in shifting the focus of the World Summit on Sustainable Development to poverty eradication
The international balance of forces is extremely fluid with strong reactionary trends, but a countervailing thrust from progressive forces centered mainly among the developing countries.
THEREFORE RESOLVES
1.1 On Mass participation:
Noting that;
- NEPAD is the outcome of the Mafikeng 50th Conference resolutions with the view to bringing about peace, stability and security, eradication of poverty, development, human resources, economic revival of Africa, democracy, good governance, human rights,
- The continuing challenges on the building of the new world and Africa,
- The formation of AU and the final drafting of NEPAD were mainly led by the Heads of States and government departments,
- The weak or non-existence of organs of civil society in most African countries as a result of civil strife and wars in these countries,
- The limited participation of women in decision-making in their countries and in regional and continental structures.
- The launching of the AU and the adoption of NEPAD is a significant development in the advancement of Africa's course and has brought about fundamental change in Africa's political and economic landscape.
- We need an effective outreach programme to popularise AU and the NEPAD.
Believing that:
- The involvement of the masses, of women and organs of civil society is very critical for the sustainability and successful implementation of NEPAD and the operation of AU,
- The participation of the masses in this programme is in line with our long held principle that the people are their own liberators,
- That the recent adoption of NEPAD by the United Nations General Assembly in a special resolution, for the first time places Africa's development high on the global agenda.
Therefore resolves that:
- The ANC to design a programme to interact with branches of the ANC and communities to capacitate and educate them on issues of NEPAD and AU, involving National Caucus and MPs. The ultimate objective of this programme must be to build strong ANC that is able to mobilise communities and civil society at large,
- We should look into various organisational and government strategies and mechanisms to involve the broader South African society on the implementation of NEPAD and the AU as the organisational expression of the African Renaissance vision,
- Through party-to-party relations, the ANC must engage forces that appear to oppose principles embodied by AU and NEPAD with a view to win their support,
- Develop further the theoretical framework and content for better articulation of our vision of an African Renaissance,
- The ANC should interact more closely with organs of civil society, women's organisations and movements in particular, in other parts of the African continent to build a strong civil society that is able to play a leading role in the implementation of NEPAD. We should share our experience of the organisation of our revolutionary Alliance, whilst taking into consideration the peculiar conditions of these countries.
- The organisation should give its fullest support and defend unreservedly the NEPAD and the African Union (AU).
- To consolidate the participation and support of the Tripartite Alliance behind NEPAD.
- We need an effective outreach programme to popularize the NEPAD and the AU.
1.2 On Partnerships
Noting,
The emphasis of partnerships as a critical instrument to attract resources of the developed world and the private sector,
Believing that:
Whilst NEPAD is an initiative and a product of Africans, the involvement of other countries of the South, as well as the developed world and the private sector is crucial in order to assist in the provision of both financial and technical resources for the success of NEPAD. This partnership will be on the terms and conditions determined by the Africans themselves.
Therefore resolves that:
- We should tap into resources of African countries and build partnerships amongst the countries of the continent and the South and simultaneously mobilise the developed world to participate in the NEPAD programmes.
- Mobilise African development agencies to perform specific tasks that may need outsourcing in the implementation of NEPAD
- Strive for greater self-reliance and genuine partnership which reduce the dependence on donor criteria for funding.
- Be vigilant against the possible abuse of the principle of partnership by the developed world to impose its criteria so that we preserve African ownership of the programme.
1.3 On Good Governance and Democracy
Noting that:
- One of the requirements for the success of AU and NEPAD is for the African governments to practice and uphold the principles of democracy, good governance and accountability.
- The offer by our National Assembly to host the Pan African Parliament in South Africa.
Believing that:
- The principle of good governance is very critical and is at the heart of the success of AU and NEPAD taking into consideration that many countries after independence, were characterised by dictatorship, corruption and military regimes,
- Any social programme that does not seek to promote democracy and good governance will not be sustainable in the long term
- Arriving at a common understanding of what constitutes good governance by all African countries and decision-makers will facilitate the speedy implementation of NEPAD.
Therefore Resolves that:
- The movement and government should initiate dialogue guided by the principles enshrined in NEPAD and the Constitutive Act of the AU with various countries and relevant institutions and decision-makers in Africa in order to develop common definitions of what constitutes good governance and democracy.
- We must ensure the strengthening of the Peer Review Mechanism.
1.4 On Peace and Stability, and an end to Conflicts
Noting:
- Progress made in the resolution of conflicts in Angola, DRC, Siera Leone, Commorres Island, Burundi and Sudan through the involvement of African multilateral institutions;
- That as a result, a number of countries are engaged in peace processes, and some are in the process of reconstruction and development, following longstanding conflicts.
- That there are still a number of countries engulfed in civil strife and conflicts and that these are detrimental to meeting the objectives of the African renaissance.
Believing that
Poverty and the legacy of colonialism, neo-colonialism and imperialism are the root causes of many of the conflicts in the continent.
Therefore resolves
- We should continue to involve ourselves as a country, within the multilateral institutions of the region and continent, to the peaceful and speedy resolutions of conflicts on the continent;
- Continue to lend support to countries seeking to build and strengthen national dialogue around the ongoing process of reconciliation, reconstruction and nation-building.
- To continue to contribute to peace-keeping in the continent; and
- Work to build and strengthen institutions of the AU and NEPAD aimed at peaceful resolutions of conflicts, such as the Peer Review Mechanism.
2.1 On Refugees
Noting that:
- South Africa is receiving an increasing number of refugees especially from Africa.
- There is no clear policy on refugees and the current legislation is insufficient to deal with refugees,
- Some of the refugees are not from war torn countries, but are persons fleeing repression, torture, arrest/detentions without trials and incarcerations, within their countries.
Believing that
- Our policy on refugees should be in line with international standards.
- Believing that: Refugees must be protected and their human rights observed in accordance with the policy of the UN High Commission for Refugees.
- A humane treatment of refugees is an integral part of promoting the vision of African renaissance.
- There is a need for the ANC and government to tighten its refugee policies such that whilst it does not promote xenophobia it curb against abuse or our hospitality and moral blackmail.
Therefore resolve that:
- We need to come up with a clear and a well-defined policy as reflected below on refugees,
- Our structures at all levels should be engaged and educated about Xenophobia,
- South Africa should ensure that the resolutions adopted at UN World Conference Against Racism (WCAR), Intolerance and all forms of discrimination, held in Durban are implemented,
- The government should engage the UN in resolving the problem of refugees, recognizing that some will be resolved by the peace efforts we are pursuing in Africa,
- That legislation be introduced to set out a comprehensive refugee policy that takes into account the following:
- Qualification criteria
- Application and renewable regulations
- Adequate infrastructure to meet the needs of refugees
- Rights and limitations of refugees
- Enforcement measures.
- To review the issue of economic refugees in South Africa in the light of the depressed economic situation in some countries in Africa.
2.2 On Review of Immigration Policy
- The ANC and government revisit and deal with necessary amendments of the Immigration Act, which must include measures to deal firmly with illegal immigration.
- Finally, commit South Africa to accelerate the economic growth of countries in Africa, within the framework of NEPAD as the economic prosperity of these countries will contribute to the reduction of the number of economic refugees.
Noting that
- The world in which we live is still characterized by the dominance of the capitalist mode of production.
- We continually have to respond to rapidly changing external environment,
- The nature of global governance is a complex phenomenon which can be influenced by us in a positive manner,
- Political and economic landscape of global governance is undemocratic both in form and content
- Interaction between and amongst states is unavoidable, and that it takes place within a wider context of globalization,
- South Africa's liberation is an expression of a changing world and at the same time, meant the liberation of the last colonized people on the African continent.
- Development in international relations have not resolved the fundamental challenges facing human kind such as poverty,
- Developed countries continue to benefit from the global capitalist mode of production which in essence is determined by the multination corporations, the widening of the gap between the rich and the poor is increasing,
- The digital divide of the developing countries and the developed world continues to widen,
- Globalization has provided both opportunities and constraints despite the fact that major beneficiaries have been the already rich nations, and has witnessed the deepening of the social disparities between and within countries,
- The coalition against terrorism as a result of September 11, has been used to justify unilateral actions by some states and the absence of an acceptable definition of terrorism further exacerbates the situation,
- The disparities between the rich and the poor present risk to global peace and stability.
Believing that:
- The success of an alternative global agenda requires a massive and progressive global movement involving the empowerment of the people of Africa and other developing countries so that they are able to determine their own destiny,
- International peace and security is a goal towards which all nations should strive so that:
- Justice and international law regulates the behaviour and relations between states,
- A just and equitable world order is created,
- Process of globalization is utilized to eradicate poverty.
Further Believing that,
- Globalization should be understood as comprising both negative and positive features,
Therefore Resolves to:
- Re-affirm the correctness of the 1997 ANC's conference resolution that the liberation of SA is both a local expression of a changing world and part of the catalyst to renewed efforts aimed at attaining international consensus on the most urgent questions facing humanity.
- Develop a comprehensive strategy for South to South cooperation
- Lobby for designation of institutional mechanism for monitoring the WSSD outcomes within the UN framework.
- Call for the democratizations of the international institutions i.e., World Bank, IMF, UN Security Council to serve the interests of the developing countries and ensure that the UN itself becomes a credible institutions within which to address all world political problems, in particular.
- Encourage South-South cooperation through the creation of the G7 of the South. Identify countries in the South with sufficient strength to lead and initiate development and cooperation among countries in the South.
- The movement as a whole must make an audit and analysis of the character and programme of the emerging global social movement so that the ANC can play a pivotal role in the strengthening of the progressive global social movement.
- Ensure the ANC branches increases their understanding of the process of globalization and how this impacts on the programme of NDR.
Noting
- The stance of aggressive unilateralism adopted by some Western countries in fighting the threat of terrorism,
Believing that:
- We should all oppose terrorism, including State terrorism, and recognise that the solution to deal with it lies with multilateral bodies and should be conducted under the aegis of the UN.
- In fighting terrorism should also deal with all its the root causes.
Therefore resolve that:
- We need an International definition of terrorism to include state terrorism and those countries that orchestrate, finance and promote terrorism and terrorist groups that destabilise other countries.
- We must campaign for multi-lateral and a comprehensive programme to combat terrorism, that also address the root causes of terrorism.
Noting that :
- Women on the continent, and the world over still are confronted with discrimination and oppression
- The rise of the rightwing and fundamentalism threatens to reverse the gains women achieved.
Believing:
- The right to gender equality is a fundamental human right.
- That all states and governments should adhere to International human rights conventions and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
- The Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women supercedes all secular and clerical laws,
Therefore resolve that:
- The African National Congress condemns all violations of human rights, including the imposition of cruel and inhumane punishments under the guise of religious or traditional laws or practices.
- Urge all states to take active measures to promote women's human rights, in accordance with the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW).
- Call for the eradication of all cultural and religious practices injurious to women's well-being and contrary to international human rights norms.
- Urge the African Union and other regional bodies to develop effective programmes for the advancement of women on the continent.
National Policy Conference further resolves:
- The ANC appeals to all progressive forces, in Africa and more broadly, to appeal to the President of Nigeria, Olusegun Obasanjo, to expeditiously exercise the presidential prerogative of pardon, if necessary, to ensure that Amina Lawal is not executed.
- The ANC calls upon the President of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki, as our President and Head of the African Union, to make appropriate representations to his peers and in particular to President Obasanjo.
Noting that
- Most multilateral institutions do not serve the interests of the poor.
- The UN is often obstructed and limited in its capacity to resolve international conflicts because of the lack of political will on the part of its members, in particular the permanent members of the Security Council.
Believing that
- The Bretton Woods institutions perpetuate dominance of the world economy by the rich countries.
- The UN Security Council's composition and veto system benefit the interests of permanent member states.
Resolve that
- We campaign to have the mandate of the World Bank, IMF be redefined to focus on fighting poverty and assist in building the economies of developing countries
- We campaign to make World Bank, IMF and WTO more accountable.
- To take initiatives to reform, restructure and democratize the United Nations.
Noting that:
- The ANC as a ruling party should have a clear policy on twinning agreements;
- The new municipal landscape of South Africa creates an environment conducive for the transformation and fortification of local government.
- The need to expose the provincial government and its municipalities to the international environment, where they can twin with their counterparts.
- The process put in place by government on an International Co-operation Framework Policy to guide provincial stakeholders as they engage internationally.
Recognising: The importance of twinning in developmental areas such as capacity building, service delivery and infrastructure development
We therefore resolve that:
- We develop a clear policy on twinning agreements and address the coordination of visits and signing of twinning agreements;
- Government finalise the International Co-operation Framework Policy to guide proper coordination and monitoring between all spheres of government needs to be established and serviced.
- The twinning agreements should include cities of Africa and the South.
Noting that
- There are a number of crises, some of an intra-national nature and others imposed on countries by external forces,
- The right of Palestinians to self-determination, recognized in numerous Resolutions of the United Nations, is constantly subverted including by the wanton genocidal activities of the Israeli government,
- The decades-long economic blockade against Cuba,
- The struggle for the democratization of Swaziland is legitimate and in accordance with the principles of AU on the promotion of democratic institutions, popular participation and good governance,
- The impertinence of the USA to unleash war against the people of Iraq and to remove its President and government is in fundamental breach of International Law and the UN Charter.
- Progress is being made to resolve the civil strife ensuing in Sri Lanka.
Believing that:
- Conflicts should be resolved through multilateralism, rather than by unilateral action.
- The people of Palestine, like the Israelis, have the right to self-determination and a national territory within secure and defined borders,
- The US economic blockade against Cuba violates the right to peaceful development of the people of Cuba and that Cuba has the right to defend itself,
Therefore Resolves that:
- The ANC continues to support the struggle of the Palestinian people for self -determination and the creation of a Palestinian state,
- The ANC reaffirms its solidarity with Cuba and continue to campaign for the lifting of the US embargo,
- The ANC shall endeavour to promote dialogue amongst all the stakeholders in Swaziland to promote the process of democratisation,
- The ANC shall continue to oppose any unilateral military and other action while requiring that Iraq complies with United Nations Security Council decisions,
- The peace process in Sri Lanka should be supported.
8.1 On Palestine
Noting that:
- The continued illegal occupation of Palestine and the use of state terrorism by Israel constitutes a threat to international peace and security, and
- The peace process has virtually collapsed.
- The African Union, Non-Aligned Movement and the United Nations are exerting maximum effort to address the Middle East conflict, despite heavy odds.
Therefore resolve that:
- The ANC and the Leagues should continue to lead the campaign of solidarity with the Palestinian people,
- We reaffirm the 50th Congress resolutions on Palestine as well as the Ekurhuleni Declaration.
8.2 On Western Sahara
Noting
Our historic support for the right of the Saharawi people to self-determination, and our fraternal relations with Polisario Front.
Resolve That a report be given to the 51st Conference on the obstacles to the resolution of the Saharawi question, for further decision by Conference.
Noting that
- One of the cornerstones of South Africa's foreign policy is putting African interests at the heart of our international relations programme.
- Our national liberation struggle has always been underpinned by international solidarity with the African people in particular and the oppressed in general.
- The vision of African Renaissance which is to promote peace and security; ending wars and conflict in the continent, instilling good economic and political governance, fight social challenges facing Africa and defending progressive indigenous African cultures.
Reaffirms
- The ANC's policy of taking a lead in the rebirth of the African continent.
- Our international solidarity campaign with progressive forces in both developing and developed countries.
- Our continued support of other nations that are still struggling against both national oppression and colonialism.
- The AU as an appropriate structure to drive the rebirth of Africa and Nepad as a programme of action to achieve the renaissance.
Therefore resolve that:
- The ANC continues its efforts to promote a meaningful dialogue between the two major parties in Zimbabwe in pursuance of a just resolution in the interests of peace and stability,
- The ANC reaffirms its support of the struggle of the Saharawi people for self determination,
- The ANC supports the peaceful resolution of the conflict in Angola, the DRC, Commorros Island, Siera Leone and Sudan and the creation of a democratic governments,
- Africa's capacity to provide food security to its people and to produce goods for trade on the continent that can compete on the global market must be reinforced.
- The ANC must inspire and consolidate its relations with International Non-Governmental Organizations that are committed to social and economic justice in the South.
- The ANC must lead an all-round popular movement for the implementation of all programmes geared to develop the African continent.
Noting that
- The greatest challenges to World Peace are located in Middle East and South Asia.
- Externally imposed neo-liberal economic policies on developing countries undermine national sovereignty,
- There has been a rise of extreme right political parties in a number of countries in Western Europe
Believing that
- Intertwined with World sustainable economic growth is the centrality of Global Peace,
- People-sensitive economic policies have to prevail over those that enrich a few individuals and countries,
- The trend to extreme right politics in Western Europe and in the US does not occur outside of Pan European exclusivity,
Therefore resolve that
- We vigorously participate in the struggle for world peace and establish a peace movement as part of our international solidarity work.
- As the ANC we engage with globalization to harness its positive elements while also engaging with the anti-globalisation movement in order to lend it coherence.
- Sustainable economic growth that resolves poverty should be prioritized in policy frameworks of all countries in keeping with the WSSD Johannesburg Declaration and Programme of Action
- The ANC condemns the upsurge of Xenophobia, Islamophobia and racism among the countries of the West and calls on all governments and parliaments to ensure the implementation of the resolutions of the World Conference Against Racism
Noting that:
- Progress made in the transformation of the department of foreign affairs.
- A transformed department is central in the realization of our new foreign policy environment.
- Efforts made to change our missions abroad to reflect the demographics of South Africa.
Reaffirming that:
- Our commitment to transform the department of foreign affairs to reflect the new ethos of our democracy.
- The strategic importance of the department in marketing South Africa abroad with other government agencies.
Therefore resolve that:
- There must be a continuing effort to build capacity and radically transform the department of foreign affairs to reflect South African democratic values.
- Deployment of cadres within the department, particularly women cadres, must be embarked upon urgently.
- All attempts should be made to reflect a national spread in foreign postings.
- Our foreign missions should assist with ensuring that the human rights of South African citizens abroad are not violated.
Noting that
- There is an absence of a co-coordinated progressive movement in Africa and the world
- The absence of coordination amongst progressive African movements.
- The negative role played by international bodies such as the ICFTU in international politics.
Believing that
- The establishment of a progressive movement in Africa will strengthen the implementation of programmes and institutions of the AU and Nepad ,
Therefore resolve that
- We accelerate the efforts to work with all progressive forces (political parties and civil society) as part of building a broad progressive movement for transformation.
- We assist in the mobilization of African intellectuals working abroad to return to the continent to help build and reconstruct Africa,
- The South African government be encouraged to strengthen Non Aligned Movement, making it a force for peace and development,
- We must assist in the restructuring of the Pan-African Women's Organisation (PAWO) to meet the challenges that face the continent by supporting the AU and NEPAD,
- Coordinate with COSATU in its activities within the ICFTU to transform it to play a progressive role on the continent and in the world.
Noting:
- 50th Conference Resolutions on this matter;
- Our party-to-party relations operated in a reactive manner rather than proactive way.
- Recent efforts of the ANC to engage former liberation movements in Southern Africa.
Reaffirming that:
- The correctness of party-to-party relations in mediating and circumventing state-to-state relations that are subjected to bureaucratic procedures.
Therefore resolve that:
- The ANC must strengthen Party-to-Party relations at a programmatic and strategic level with former liberation organisations and the progressive movement in general.
- To continue to engage with former liberation movements to strengthen democratic and progressive policies practices.
- Strengthening of ANC's department of international affairs,
- Speed up the process of building the full capacity of the ANC's Department of International Affairs and ensure that provinces, regions and branches establish proper structures to engage in international work.
- The Movement should establish a Cadre Development School that will, among other areas, cover International Relations to produce cadres schooled in International Relations and Solidarity work.
Noting that;
- The Socialist International has provided a platform for the ANC to forge links with other progressive parties in the world
Believing that;
- The long-standing relations that the ANC enjoyed with other progressive parties need to be strengthened,
- The challenges facing the continent require the ANC to mobilize like-minded parties to join the Socialist International movement,
Resolve that;
- We should continue forging strong cooperation with liberation movements and progressive parties on the African continent,
- We cooperate with other parties so as to influence the global agenda.
- We strive to transform the Socialist International into a vibrant, active movement for progressive change,
- We strengthen our relations with the Africa chapter of the Socialist International.
Noting
- The ANC reaffirms its commitment to the principles of sustainable development,. Agenda 21 served to encourage and inspire our own democratic movement in South Africa to draft the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP).
- We welcome discussion on global finance and the economy.
- Many of ANC policies and programmes that we have put in place since 1994 are directly inspired by the outcomes of the Rio Earth summit.
- Global inequalities and patterns of poverty, perpetuated by unsustainable economic practices, are reflected in South Africa and the entire continent.
And Believing That:
- The WSSD in Johannesburg provided a unique opportunity for governments, UN bodies, business, civil society and the Development Finance institutions to agree on the mechanisms and resources required to meet sustainable development targets at global, regional, national and local level.
- Eradicating poverty is the greatest global challenge facing the world today and an indispensable requirement for sustainable development, particularly for developing countries.
Therefore Resolve:
- Welcome the adoption of the Johannesburg WSSD Plan of Implementation as a minimum programme to achieve sustainable development.
- To fully support the decision by the UN Millennium Summit in 2000 including the goals of halving world poverty by the year 2015.
- Welcome the World Trade Organisation's Doha decisions calling for a development round of negotiations, which will address key concerns and capacity constraints of developing countries and give better access to the markets of the rich North, for the producers from the South.
- To actively campaign internationally to ensure that the principles adopted in the WSSD Johannesburg Implementation Plan and the Doha Declaration translate into concrete measures that will benefit developing countries and reduce inequality in the global system.
RECOMMENDATIONS ON BUILDING THE ANC AND CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS
INTRODUCTION
The commission examined the resolutions taken at the 50th National Conference, the National General Council as well as proposals made by Provincial Policy Conferences. After engaging with these documents the commission felt that a proper basis had not been laid for a thorough and informed discussion on building the ANC and constitutional amendments.
The above recommendations from the Commission were adopted by the Plenary of the National Policy Conference. The concrete recommendations that follow are for further discussions and the Plenary did not express itself on any of these:-
ON BUILDING THE ANC
The commission discussed the resolution taken at the 50th National Conference on Strengthening branches and the resolution on Political Boundaries and Structures.
It was noted that the realignment of our structures has increased the visibility of the ANC in wards. The commission believes that leadership should be congratulated for implementing the resolution taken at the 50th National Conference in 1997 regarding realignment of ANC structures with government structures. The commission recommends that this resolution be reaffirmed.
There is general support for the ward as the basic demarcation of the branch and for the branch as the basic unit of the organisation. However, a number of problems with ward- based branches were identified. Many branches are too big and unmanageable. This problem is particularly acute in rural areas. This has resulted in a decrease in membership in some wards.
The possibility of creating sub-branches was discussed at length in the commission. However, the commission recommends that these problems can be dealt with in terms of existing provisions of the Constitution that allow for the creation of village, street or area committees etc. that will report to the BEC.
The commission recognised that the issue of cross-boundary branches and regions has caused serious problems. Lines of accountability of branches to regions and provinces in cross-boundary areas are not clear. It is recommended that this cross-boundary scenario must be done away with.
The commission agreed on the need to find organizational forms and methods to ensure that the widest range of sectors and strata participate actively in the life of the organization including playing a role in the following sites of struggle: the State, the economy, the ideological struggle etc.
- ANC Units. The commission recommends that the ANC Constitution be amended to allow for the creation of ANC Units that can be set up in areas where branches might not be able to be established, for example: tertiary institutions etc. Units should be structures for discussion and sharing of ideas amongst ANC members. Units will need to link up to branches in their areas. Units must not run parallel to ANC branches.
- Institutional branches - Organization of students and intellectuals at tertiary institutions. The Commission recommends that the ANCYL should be assisted to set up branches at tertiary institutions and that ANC Units be established at tertiary institutions amongst members who cannot be members of the ANCYL.
- Sectoral branches. This area should be investigated by the NEC as part of the broader process of looking at organizational design.
The commission accepted that the current system of membership administration is administratively burdensome and time-consuming. There is a need improve this system. The commission recommends that members should join once and then maintain their membership through, for example, debit orders rather than to formally renew membership on an annual basis as happens in practice at present.
Two views on this matter emerged in the commission. The one view is that the period of tenure of BEC's should be extended to two years in order to develop the experience of the local leadership and allow for meaningful development among branches, stable local leadership and focus on political and organizational work in communities. Mid-term Annual General Meetings should become an occasion for members to do a mid-term review of the performance of the BEC and to strengthen it where weaknesses are identified. Should the need arise, the PEC should be empowered to decide that the mid-term AGM should have the power to make changes to leadership.
The other view is that the status quo should be maintained and that the period of two years was too long and that it would have the effect of exacerbating the existing situation in which many branches do not meet regularly. The development of leadership can be achieved in other ways.
The commission recommends that Rule 24 should be amended by the insertion of a clause requiring a quorum of 50% plus 1 for AGM's.
The commission recommends that the status quo should remain and that the minimum number of members for launching a branch should remain at 100. Any problems in meeting the minimum requirement of 100 members should be dealt with by PECs exercising their discretion, in terms of the Constitution, to lower this number.
ON ELECTIONS
The commission noted that the 2004 national and provincial elections are 18 months away. The commission recommends that the resolution adopted by the 50th National Conference regarding elections be reaffirmed. The commission expressed concern regarding the capacity of the Department of Home Affairs to provide identity documents and proposed that an ID drive should be embarked upon.
ON ORGANISATIONAL DEMOCRACY AND DISCIPLINE
The commission recommends that the resolutions adopted by the 50th National Conference on Organisational Democracy and Discipline and NGC be reaffirmed. It further noted the following:
ON CADRE POLICY
The commission examined the resolution adopted by the 50th National Conference on Cadre Policy. The commission recommends that the resolution be reaffirmed. The commission also recommends that the resolution on Cadre Policy and Development adopted at the National General Council be reaffirmed.
The SGO and NEC should be commended for implementation of these resolutions. However the following weaknesses were noted:
ON THE LEAGUES OF THE ANC
The commission examined the resolution adopted by the 50th National Conference on the Leagues of the ANC. The commission recommends that the basic content of this resolution should be reaffirmed.
ANCWL
The commission noted a number of weaknesses in the ANCWL. It also noted that fundamental misunderstandings regarding the role of the ANCWL in the movement. National Conference needs to reflect on the challenges facing the ANCWL such as mobilizing the widest range of women behind the programme of the ANC. A concerted effort should be made by the officials of the ANC to assess the impact made by the WL in our society and the implementation of the resolution of the 50th National Conference in preparation for the coming conference. There needs to be a debate with ANC structures regarding the transformation of gender relations and the challenges of the women's movement internationally.
The commission recommends that the resolution adopted by the 50th National Conference be reformulated to make it clear that the struggle for gender emancipation is at the centre of the challenges facing the ANC and also that the role of the ANCWL is to develop a programme of mobilizing not only women but society as a whole around issues facing women. ANC structures need to support the ANCWL to complete its re-alignment process.
ANCYL
Need proper measure of evaluating the performance of organization - evaluation cannot be limited to membership figures. Need frank open evaluation of problems of mobilizing young people. ANCYL membership has increased since its last conference. The ANCYL has implemented many aspects of the resolution of the 50th National Conference. ANC structures need to support the ANCYL complete its re-alignment process.
VETERANS OF THE ANC
The commission examined the resolution adopted by the 50th National Conference on Veterans of the ANC. The commission noted a number of problems regarding the functioning and resourcing of MKVA and veterans in general.
MKVA is not a structure ANC, and its' state of organisation is very weak. Many veterans are not properly utilized as the resource that they should be. Many other veterans have a range of problems for which they should be receiving support from branches.
The commission recommends that the NEC must receive reports from the veterans in terms of its programmes and progress.
ON THE TRIPARTITE ALLIANCE
The commission examined the resolution adopted by the 50th National Conference on the Tripartite Alliance and the Ekurhuleni Declaration. The commission is of the view that the resolution and the Ekurhuleni Declaration should be reaffirmed as correct perspectives on the role that has been and should be played by the Alliance. However, the extent to which the resolution and the Ekurhuleni Declaration are being implemented in practice needs further discussion.
ON CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS: GENERAL
The commission expressed the need for a cautious approach to amending the Constitution especially where full motivations for doing so have not been presented.
Closing statement of Deputy President Jacob Zuma, 30 September 2002
This National Policy Conference of the ANC, held over the four days of September 27th to 30th was attended by 687 delegates from ANC national, provincial, regional and branch level structures, from the ANC Youth and Women's Leagues, COSATU, the SACP, SANCO, COSAS and SASCO. It has been marked by extremely high levels of active participation, discussion and debate. This Conference was preceded by a comprehensive process, and it serves, in turn, as a major step towards our 51st National Congress to be held in December in Stellenbosch.
Our policy process has proceeded in the democratic traditions of the African National Congress and included the following elements:
Therefore, delegates to this Policy Conference came enriched by an extensive participatory process involving thousands of our people. The robust debates that have taken place over the last four days were an indication of how seriously the participants took the President's invitation, in his opening address, to engage with policy challenges facing our movement and our country.
POLICY CHALLENGES
In reviewing our Strategy and Tactics as adopted at our 50th National Congress in 1997, and in assessing key ANC and government policies, this Policy Conference has re-affirmed the general thrust of our policies and perspectives. Furthermore, the Policy Conference has identified many new challenges as well as the need to intensify implementation of existing policies.
We are well aware that democratic policy development and evaluation is an ongoing task. This is especially so in the case of the ANC: we are a ruling party, a mass-based movement, the leading formation in a dynamic Alliance and at the head of all progressive forces for change, for transformation and for nation-building.
Comrades, the transformation process has never been easy, particularly if the change takes place within a revolutionary context. In our case we must recognize the fact that we are in a period of a changing global situation. It is within this understanding that the task facing the ANC should be understood. This task is to develop policies that are able to address the problems faced by our people at a variety of levels: from the local tasks of a ward councilor to the challenge of providing leadership in a globalising world. Our responsibilities include, therefore, developing policy and providing leadership locally, provincially, nationally, in the SADC region, in the African continent, amongst developing countries, and amongst the nations of our planet.
Since we met in our 1997 Congress in Mafikeng, the international balance of forces has been radically transformed by the postures adopted by the countries of the West. There has been a re-emergence of conservative forces that embrace unilateralism, growing protectionism, big power politics as well as other policies with the capacity to destabilize the world. Also of concern have been the acts of terrorism, which also contribute to destabilization. These developments have led to growing tension amongst the peoples of the world.
Nevertheless, we have been able to navigate these troubled international waters and have placed the issues of poverty eradication and a fairer world order firmly on the international agenda. In particular we hosted and contributed to the success of the Non-Aligned Movement Summit, The World Conference Against Racism, the launch of the African Union and the World Summit on Sustainable Development.
On the domestic front, this Policy Conference has affirmed two fundamental challenges:
Some key proposals
It is impossible to do justice in this brief overview to the diversity, detail and richness of the discussions and draft resolutions emerging from this Conference. The full text of our draft resolutions for the 51st Congress will be distributed throughout our structures and allied formations, and also made available to the general public, in the coming days.
However, to provide some idea of resolutions coming from our nine commissions and our plenary sessions, we highlight the following, among others:
Social Transformation
This Policy Conference has adopted an important draft resolution calling on government to continue, with a sense of great urgency, with plans towards a comprehensive social security system. This should include the consolidation of all existing social measures such as the Unemployment Insurance Fund (UIF) and all social grants. The strengthening and progressive expansion of the social wage, including removing obstacles to the delivery of free basic services to all in the shortest possible time, was also identified as a priority.
Conference also resolved to expand the reach of existing programmes, such as the child support grant and the school nutrition programme. Specifically, we are proposing that the age eligibility for the child support grant be raised, and that the school nutrition programme be extended beyond children in grade R, as well as to secondary schools where possible.
In regard to health care, the Policy Conference is proposing the strengthening of the distribution of drugs so that they reach all our people. We are calling for access to affordable medicines for all, including through the speeding up of the implementation of Act 90 of 1997, on generic substitution and parallel importation.
We are calling for the strengthening and acceleration of the implementation of our national AIDS strategy, as amplified in the cabinet statement of 17 April 2002. The ANC must continue to be at the forefront of community mobilisation and leadership around HIV/AIDS, especially with regard to awareness, prevention, voluntary testing and counseling, treatment and care.
Economic transformation
Conference noted the progress that has been made in restructuring the South African economy, expanding its manufacturing base, diversifying our exports, skills development and black economic empowerment.
However, conference noted the high unemployment rate in our country, underpinning continued poverty and many other social problems. We are calling on our government at all levels to embark on programmes that combine short-term measures for immediate relief with longer term interventions for sustainable job creation, skills training and alternative income generating opportunities. We are also supporting a major extension of community based public works programmes using labour intensive methods.
In regard to state-owned assets, this Policy Conference reaffirmed ANC policy on restructuring of state owned assets in a manner that enhances the developmental capacity of our state. To this end, the mandates of state owned assets and enterprises must continue to be aligned with the social and economic mandates of our developmental agenda. Furthermore conference affirmed the importance of the National Framework Agreement, and proposes that it be extended to apply to all spheres of government. Conference also identified the need to give priority to job retention, job creation and social plans in the process of restructuring.
Conference took note of the recent escalation of the price of basic foodstuffs and proposes that urgent and sustainable measures be introduced to mitigate the impact of these on the poor.
In regard to inflation, we note that monetary policy must be used in a flexible manner, consistent with the broad aims and objectives of ANC policy. Our draft resolution calls for maintaining our approach on inflation targeting, while ensuring that such targets are consistent with our overall economic objectives.
On agriculture and food security, we note the work that has already been done to reverse the legacy of centuries of dispossession. In order to take this work forward we proposed a resolution to engage with other formations and lead a popular campaign for rural development, including the formation and development of cooperatives, farmers and rural enterprises' associations. In this regard, it is not correct to raise the problem of landlessness as if nothing is being done.
Infrastructure development
This Policy Conference has noted that greater levels of funding are now available to significantly enhance infrastructural development. Our draft resolution proposes that the ANC should endorse the principle that infrastructure development is the primary driver of growth and development.
A major emphasis on infrastructural development should focus, amongst other things, on job creation, poverty eradication and an expanded public works programme.
Peace and Security
We have noted the important progress made with our Crime Prevention Strategy. Our draft resolution proposes that ANC structures play an active role in expanding the role of Community Policing Forums from their important community-police liaison work to include a wider focus on community safety.
We are calling for the strengthening of the criminal justice system, in particular to more effectively deal with crimes against women and children. The ANC will also be tracking the ongoing transformation of the SANDF and in particular we shall be focusing upon its capacity to respond to international peace-keeping responsibilities.
Transformation of the State and Governance
This Policy Conference is proposing to our 51st Conference, that the ANC advocates the retention of the current proportional representation electoral system because of its inclusivity and nation-building features. However, we are also strongly recommending that the ANC actively review the constituency work of our public representatives to enhance accountability to communities.
Considerable emphasis was placed on ensuring that, as the ANC, we take up the transformational challenges in the local government sphere. We are proposing that the ANC creates institutional capacity aimed at giving systematic political support to cadres who are deployed in the local government sphere. We are proposing that national and provincial spheres of government must actively participate in the process of formulating Municipal Integrated Development Plans; and we are proposing that ANC branches must complement the functioning of Ward Committees to mobilise communities to participate actively in programmes of governance and socio-economic development.
In regard to the Public Service, we are proposing that the pace of transformation must be accelerated through the creation of a single, development-oriented and integrated system of public administration. Advances towards such a single public service should be done on an informed basis and be preceded by a review of the various capacity levels required by different government institutions.
Communications
Our draft resolution on communications highlight our concern to ensure that there is much greater media diversity, that all languages are more effectively represented, especially on the Public Broadcaster.
One of the delegates at our Policy Conference, who happens to be deaf, had an important impact on the Commission on Communications and on our plenary session. She drew our attention to the often neglected fact that there are 4 million deaf people in South Africa. Accordingly, in our draft resolution to our 51st Conference, we are proposing that the Public Broadcaster should use "closed caption" technology on television - a system that enables deaf people to access subtitling on their TV screens with a decoder device.
International
Our draft resolutions for the 51st Congress included important resolutions on international challenges confronting the ANC. Amongst other things, we are proposing an active ANC engagement with branches to empower and educate our grass-roots structures around NEPAD and the African Union (AU). We need to consolidate popular participation around the struggle to overcome Africa's crisis of underdevelopment.
Building the ANC
The policy conference further resolved that fundamental to progress in implementing our programme is a strong ANC, at the head of all organized formations committed to fundamental change. The core of these forces, is the tripartite alliance plus SANCO, which the ANC will continue to build and consolidate. Further, the ANC, as a disciplined force of the left, pursuing the interests of the poor should continue with its principled ideological struggle against neo-liberalism and ultra-leftism.
Contrary to what is sometimes stated, our branches continue to exist as vibrant centers of democracy. This has been proven in the preparations for and conduct of this Policy Conference. The process of realignment and induction of our branches is nearing completion. This process has led to the rejuvenation of our structures at local, regional and provincial level. As we approach the Stellenbosh Congress, we do so with a greater number and better quality of ANC membership than that with which we approached Mafikeng in 1997.
Important in this process of organisation building has been the political induction of leadership at branch, regional and provincial level as well as ongoing political cadre development programmes.
Nevertheless, a lot more work needs to be done to strengthen our branches. This conference did not take a resolution on the building of organisation. The commission that discussed this question saw this matter as the subject of ongoing work leading up to our Congress, where a comprehensive resolution on organization building will be taken.
Way Forward
We shall be proceeding from this Policy Conference back to our branches with all of our draft resolutions. The full text of our draft resolutions will be available in the coming days. We will engage our own structures, our allied formations and the widest range of forces with these draft policy resolutions.
Our task will be to carry forward debates both in our branches and amongst the broader public. We call on the public to participate in this unprecedented policy development and evaluation process.
To engage in this ANC policy-making process is to take part in determining the future of South Africa. This process will culminate in the 51st Congress of the ANC in Stellenbosch in December.
This Congress will be a convention of ANC cadres. Indeed, a parliament of the people of South Africa.
Conclusion This conference has engaged in democratic and open debate. That debate has been a culmination of a series of democratic debates, involving our structures from branch to national level, our alliance partners and our people as a whole. The quality of these debates reflects the fact that the call we made at the Port Elizabeth National General Council for the building of a New Cadre is beginning to be realized throughout our movement. In this process, nobody was prevented from expressing his or her viewpoint, whether as an individual or as a collective representing a branch, province or our alliance partners.
Most heartening is that in commissions as well as in plenary, all ideas were aired and consensus was reached, even on the most difficult issues. This applies even to the resolution on the economy on which public perceptions do not accord with the character of our debates, within the ANC and within the Alliance.
Therefore, given the level and openness of the debate that has taken place, what emerges from this conference is a collective view that must bind us all. This does not mean that we wish to enforce an unnatural unity on our diverse movement. But at the same time none of us should act in a manner that undermines the decisions we have collectively taken here.
As the ANC we have a history and culture different from other movements. We are a movement with integrity, with discipline, which has been able to unite our people for national liberation. We have been very sensitive to questions of unity. Because unity is the rock upon which this movement is founded. Building and maintaining unity requires us to learn from our history and apply the lessons to the manner in which we relate to one another as comrades, to the manner in which we engage with our Alliance partners and to the way in which we interact with the broader set of progressive forces in our country.
It is because of this history and culture that we should appreciate the good work that we have done in this conference. It is this understanding that should inform us as we proceed with our work leading up to our December National Congress. If we remember these principles, our history, our culture we will remain strong, united, ready to complete our task of transforming South Africa into a truly democratic, non-racial and non-sexist society.
AMANDLA!
The challenge of building the New Cadre President Thabo Mbeki, 30 September 2002
We left South Africa yesterday for Ghana, to address with other countries, the problem of Cote d'Ivoire, a matter that has the potential to affect all of West Africa. Almost all countries from West Africa attended, and they also insisted on the presence of the Chairperson of the African Union.
Delegates to that meeting asked me to convey a message to the ANC Policy Conference - to thank the ANC and its membership - who understand the responsibilities that South Africa, and the ANC in particular, have on the African continent.
This meeting in Ghana took the following important decisions:-
The meeting further called on the government of C?te d'Ivoire to expedite processes of national reconciliation in that country, to enable a lasting resolution to the problems of the C?te d'Ivoire and creating conditions that will make it less likely for such events to recur. The ANC National Policy Conference - as reported by Deputy President Zuma - clearly deliberated on these matters, on what we need to do to continue to defend peace, good governance and constitutional changes in government on the African continent.
The ANCYL President, Cde Malusi Gigaba reminded us that the matric exams will be starting soon. The National Policy Conference should therefore wish our young people success in the examinations.
Policy Conference quite correctly said that we are involved in the execution of a National Democratic Revolution. The draft resolutions and policy positions that we adopted at this gathering, seek to advance that revolution, in the interest of the South African and African people, and of the people of the world.
However, you cannot have revolution without revolutionaries. When the Deputy President thus talked about the decision of the National General Council to build the New Cadre, it meant the building of a cadre of revolutionaries that must carry forward this National Democratic Revolution.
This Congress took important decisions, which will become meaningful only if we implement them. To implement them requires people.
The commission on Transforming the State and Governance, I am quite certain, would have raised some of the concerns that we all share. We have to work hard to improve the quality of our local councilors, who are in the front trenches of transformation. We have to make sure that they are properly empowered to carry out their work.
The revolutionaries we refer to also include members of the ANC, of the SACP, of the unions affiliated to COSATU, who serve in local government and in the public service at all levels. We talk quite correctly about the need to root out corruption, about Batho Pele and the culture of service to the people. However, in many instances the people who are corrupt, who are not delivery services to the people, are members of these allied organisations. This is a challenge for cadre development in the Alliance.
We find similar challenges at provincial government. The performance of our provinces, those governed and led by the ANC, is in many instance very uneven. For example, we continue to receive complaints about elderly people who do not receive their pensions. Cde Zola Skweyiya informed us recently of a welfare office in one of the provinces, where he saw pension forms strewn over the floor, thus for the large part explaining why our people do not receive their pensions. Yet, in many instances people working in these offices are members of the ANC, SACP or COSATU. These problems also affect those in national departments.
The challenge therefore remains to build revolutionaries that will be able to translate these good policies, into actual transformation. The NGC told us to build this army of revolutionary New Cadres.
The Deputy President already said that we will proceed from here back to our branches, to engage our structures, the Alliance and other forces in debate, to prepare for the 51st National Conference. That is part of the challenge facing the genuine cadres of the movement, to communicate these decisions to the structures of the movement and beyond. Indeed the draft resolutions of this Policy Conference that we will take to 51st National Conference are policies that will determine the future of SA for a long time.
The lives of our people are in your hands. These masses expect us to discuss and take good decisions. But they also expect that we shall act on these decisions, in a manner that improve their lives for the better.
That is the test of an ANC member.
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